ally to form unions of ejido organizations. These unions would later form the base of the EZLN organization. These efforts would also create a �new� type of Catholic in the state called �Word of God� Catholics. These would shun the �traditionalist� Catholic practice mixed with indigenous rites and beliefs. It would also create a split in many communities as the �Word of God� Catholics were loyal directly to the bishop in San Cristobal, with traditionalists loyal to local cacique leaders.
Activism and resentment continued from the 1970s to the 1990s. During this decade, the Mexican federal government adopted neoliberalism, which clashed with the leftist political ideas of liberation theology and many of the indigenous activist groups. Despite the activism, economic marginalization among indigenous groups remained high, and resentment strongest in the San Crist�bal region, along with migrants living in the Lacandon Jungle. These grievances would be taken up by a small guerrilla band led by a man called only �Subcomandante Marcos.�
This small band, called the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Ej�rcito Zapatista de Liberaci�n Nacional, EZLN), came to the world�s attention when on January 1, 1994, the day the NAFTA treaty went into effect. On this day, EZLN forces occupied and took over the towns of San Cristobal de las Casas, along with six other Chiapas communities. They read their proclamation of revolt to the world and then laid siege to a nearby military base, capturing weapons and releasing many prisoners from the jails. Ruiz negotiated between the EZLN and authorities even though his leftist activism made him suspect to many authorities. This would undermine efforts and eventually the Catholic Church would split from the Zapatista movement. However, the negotiations would lead to the San �ndres Accords and ended the rebellion peacefully. By the time he died in 2011, he was locally given the name of �Tatic� which means �father� in Tzotzil, and
